MEMORIES
ON THE TUZLA'S REVOLUTION
It is the centenary of the Great October Revolution, and at the same time the eve of the fifth anniversary of the Revolution in Tuzla (February 2014), when workers and students demolished the government of Tuzla canton and declared "no" to privatization, ethnic division of Bosnia and the breakup of Yugoslavia ... (1) I arrived in Tuzla as a delegate of the Erased Workers of Slovenia, the day after the government fell (February 8 or 9, if I remember well), a strong revolutionary emotion was felt in the streets of Tuzla. These were the days of anarchy, the government building was destroyed, burnt, organized groups of workers and people carrying banners and flags marched thru Tuzla and in the cold air, despite the chaos, the atmosphere was hopeful. Everywhere there were expectations about forming a popular government, which was a workers' request.
I took a room at the Tuzla Pensioner's House, and there, on the third floor, immediately received a comrade from the Left party (“Lijevi”), who vehemently informed me about the situation. He was talking, I was writing, full two and a half hours (2). Although I was warned from the side of the French Independent Workers' Party (POI), before I went to Tuzla, that in Bosnia and in Tuzla, just like in Slovenia, were active Pabloites (opportunists) I did not know what exactly this would mean in the situation of insurgent Tuzla. Then, when the comrade from Left party began to inform me about the preparation for organizing the "plenum," I realized. That same evening, in my telephone conversation with Pavluško Imširević, I expressed my opinion that "plenums" were the beginning of counter-revolution. This was what I was told by the experience from Slovenia where, through similar quasi-anarchist formations, the regime established a system of control of marginal groups (Erased!) and rebellious people. All of this was led, of course, by professionals, politicologists from the state universities, what is in line with Badiou's statement written in the book "The meaning of Sarkozy"(Verso, 2008) that universities in the West after 1968 were strictly controlled by secret services and turned from revolutionary bastions into instruments of counter-revolution. Pavluško was not sure what was going on exactly, he understood what I was saying, but he advised me to wait for the conclusion until the results were shown. It seems that he believed that workers will be capable to face and solve the problem ...
And the results quickly showed up. "Plenums" served as a means of diluting revolutionary energy by which the class character of the revolution turned into ordinary civil discontent - as if the people rebelled for unresolved communal problems.(3) The creation of a popular government was blocked, and soon plenums “voted” in favor of the government of "experts" who were planted by political godfathers from the shadow using the opportunist left-wing apparatus of Left party. The "Experts", of course, quickly showed their face and the people from Tuzla had already figured out a fraud in April, but it was too late - "they chose them themselves" - in democratic, the most democratic way by the means of "direct democracy". The opportunist left (Left party, Enough!, “Democratic Socialism”, New Left, Marks23 etc.) proved to be the main ally of mafia capitalism against workers and peoples in the Balkans, and it is financed from the centers of the opportunist left in Germany (Die Linke and its Rosa Luxemburg Foundation and Soros' Open Foundation).(4)
(1) Speaking on Austrian TV, Valentin Inzko, High Representative of the Western Powers threatened: “…if the hooliganism continues EUFOR [EU] troops may be asked to intervene”. As if in echo, the Director of the Directorate for the Coordination of Police Units in the Bosnian Federation, Himzo Selimović, tendered his resignation and, admitting the inability of the police to ensure the safety of members of the Bosnian Presidency, called on the international community and the European Union to consider deploying the international military forces in Bosnia if events were to repeat themselves.
(2) The openness and comprehensiveness of the information, later I realized, is the result of a misunderstanding. At the presentation, I greeted the Tuzla's comrades in the name of Slovenian Erased Workers and then also in the name of the “comrades from Paris” (Having in mind the POI, not the NACP). Since Tuzla's Pabloites expected the arrival of representatives of French Pabloites (which I did not know at the time, but later I heard they were visited later in March by the president of the French New-Anti-Capitalist Party (NACP), Olivier Besancenot). Probably, when I mentioned the “comrades from Paris”, the Tuzla's comrade, the Pabloite, thought that I was coming as a predecessor of the French Pabloites. So, by chance, getting the extensive information, I probably heard something that I may not be allowed to know.
It is the centenary of the Great October Revolution, and at the same time the eve of the fifth anniversary of the Revolution in Tuzla (February 2014), when workers and students demolished the government of Tuzla canton and declared "no" to privatization, ethnic division of Bosnia and the breakup of Yugoslavia ... (1) I arrived in Tuzla as a delegate of the Erased Workers of Slovenia, the day after the government fell (February 8 or 9, if I remember well), a strong revolutionary emotion was felt in the streets of Tuzla. These were the days of anarchy, the government building was destroyed, burnt, organized groups of workers and people carrying banners and flags marched thru Tuzla and in the cold air, despite the chaos, the atmosphere was hopeful. Everywhere there were expectations about forming a popular government, which was a workers' request.
I took a room at the Tuzla Pensioner's House, and there, on the third floor, immediately received a comrade from the Left party (“Lijevi”), who vehemently informed me about the situation. He was talking, I was writing, full two and a half hours (2). Although I was warned from the side of the French Independent Workers' Party (POI), before I went to Tuzla, that in Bosnia and in Tuzla, just like in Slovenia, were active Pabloites (opportunists) I did not know what exactly this would mean in the situation of insurgent Tuzla. Then, when the comrade from Left party began to inform me about the preparation for organizing the "plenum," I realized. That same evening, in my telephone conversation with Pavluško Imširević, I expressed my opinion that "plenums" were the beginning of counter-revolution. This was what I was told by the experience from Slovenia where, through similar quasi-anarchist formations, the regime established a system of control of marginal groups (Erased!) and rebellious people. All of this was led, of course, by professionals, politicologists from the state universities, what is in line with Badiou's statement written in the book "The meaning of Sarkozy"(Verso, 2008) that universities in the West after 1968 were strictly controlled by secret services and turned from revolutionary bastions into instruments of counter-revolution. Pavluško was not sure what was going on exactly, he understood what I was saying, but he advised me to wait for the conclusion until the results were shown. It seems that he believed that workers will be capable to face and solve the problem ...
And the results quickly showed up. "Plenums" served as a means of diluting revolutionary energy by which the class character of the revolution turned into ordinary civil discontent - as if the people rebelled for unresolved communal problems.(3) The creation of a popular government was blocked, and soon plenums “voted” in favor of the government of "experts" who were planted by political godfathers from the shadow using the opportunist left-wing apparatus of Left party. The "Experts", of course, quickly showed their face and the people from Tuzla had already figured out a fraud in April, but it was too late - "they chose them themselves" - in democratic, the most democratic way by the means of "direct democracy". The opportunist left (Left party, Enough!, “Democratic Socialism”, New Left, Marks23 etc.) proved to be the main ally of mafia capitalism against workers and peoples in the Balkans, and it is financed from the centers of the opportunist left in Germany (Die Linke and its Rosa Luxemburg Foundation and Soros' Open Foundation).(4)
(1) Speaking on Austrian TV, Valentin Inzko, High Representative of the Western Powers threatened: “…if the hooliganism continues EUFOR [EU] troops may be asked to intervene”. As if in echo, the Director of the Directorate for the Coordination of Police Units in the Bosnian Federation, Himzo Selimović, tendered his resignation and, admitting the inability of the police to ensure the safety of members of the Bosnian Presidency, called on the international community and the European Union to consider deploying the international military forces in Bosnia if events were to repeat themselves.
(2) The openness and comprehensiveness of the information, later I realized, is the result of a misunderstanding. At the presentation, I greeted the Tuzla's comrades in the name of Slovenian Erased Workers and then also in the name of the “comrades from Paris” (Having in mind the POI, not the NACP). Since Tuzla's Pabloites expected the arrival of representatives of French Pabloites (which I did not know at the time, but later I heard they were visited later in March by the president of the French New-Anti-Capitalist Party (NACP), Olivier Besancenot). Probably, when I mentioned the “comrades from Paris”, the Tuzla's comrade, the Pabloite, thought that I was coming as a predecessor of the French Pabloites. So, by chance, getting the extensive information, I probably heard something that I may not be allowed to know.
(3)
At the first "plenum" there were 15 people, at the second
25, at the third 700 and the fourth, through the video link, 6 500
citizens.
(4)That the so-called
“extreme left” ally of the capitalists has been shown not only in
Greece during the Tsipras government, but also in France in 2018
during a strike of railroad workers against the privatization of
state railroads NSFC , when “extreme left” of MP Melenchon
"Unbowed France" staged a "party" in the Opera
place giving opportunity to police action of broad dimension and
redirecting the political attention from the strike to street
clashes.
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