Tuesday, May 1, 2018

A VICTORY OF THE WORKING CLASS AS A MARGINAL EVENT

Dimitar Anakiev
         A VICTORY OF THE WORKING CLASS AS A MARGINAL EVENT
         (Confrontation with Scholastic Marxism)

           My humble opinion is that Brexit and Grexit are not exactly the same phenomena. Grexit was mainly an expression of people’s will (and that is why bourgeoisie did not allow it) while Brexit mostly expresses the unwillingness of the British (and partly American) bourgeoisie to subject itself to the German interests in the EU. That is why for me Brexit is, to a great extent, a bourgeois phenomenon and I do not agree with the celebration of “a win of people’s will” that is on a large scale trumpeted, as befits their wishes, by immature leftists... At the same time I understand the disappointment of many Britons, especially young ones, who do not want to live in a prison house of national conceptions. Brexit is an expression of the Anglo-Saxon bourgeois bloc distrust of the German-French EU.
           Dimitar Anakiev, Facebook & Izbris-blog, June, 26, 2016

         A recent victory of xenophobic policy on the referendum for exit from the EU has been declared, in almost all of today’s Marxist journals, as a “victory of the working class” since the EU is classified exclusively as an instrument of the global capital super-government over the European nations.(1) These media, however, pass over in silence an evident role that is played, in the campaign for Britain leaving the EU, by global capital itself and in which it is impossible to overlook the mega-capitalist Rupert Murdoch whose media empire served as one of the major means of the campaign. Likewise, Brexit enjoyed undisguised sympathies of the British crown (see the accompanying picture). Though the reason for engagement of the most reactionary forces of the British society in favor of Brexit could be rather searched for in a bourgeois game of power – namely, in the Anglo-Saxon capitalist lobbies opposing an increasing power of Germany headed by Angela Merkel that has successfully met its demand for cheap working force by “importing” more than a million refugees from the devastated and plundered Near and Far East – today’s Marxist regard the victory of the reaction as that of the working class although no notable mobilization of the working class in Britain ever took place, especially for the sake of the class struggle; and for this reason Brexit greatly differs from the unsuccessful Grexit that was dominated by extensive mobilization of people and of the idea of class struggle. Today’s Marxists, tired of a series of historical defeats and constant defensive and stagnation, seem to be leaning, in their conclusions, more on their wishes rather than facts. Instead of argument-supported discussions they offer scholastic schemes and cheap demagogy, including, among them, those “democratic” parts of the Trotskyist movement who have recently resigned from their “undemocratic” curent since, allegedly, they could not voice their opinions in it. Let’s just have a look now at the “argumentation” of the scholastic Marxists:
           Editorial of 45th issue of La Tribune de Travailleurs published on June, 29, signed by the Editor-In-Chief in person who is also the leader of the “democratic” Internationalist Communist Tendency (TCI) Daniel Gluckstein, is entitled “Two of Three Workers” (“Deux ouvriers sur trois”).(2) The title implies that two of three workers voted for Brexit, that is, if we add to this information the dominant dogma about progressivity of the working class, then the assumed meaning is that Brexit is the result of a proletarian action (instead of a bourgeois complot) and that, as such, it is the first step of the impending revolution. Gluckstein further states that the next step would be annulment of all the actions of privatization. Yes, this might have been the next step if the Brexit had been a result of the proletarian action. But it was not. In Britain no mobilization of the working class, such as we have seen in Greece, took place. Nor many years of street fighting, either. Nor hand to hand fighting. Nor dead. Then what was there, after all? Gluckstein does not mention any bourgeois precursor of Brexit: the conservative government which itself has announced the referendum (and which has wrestled with the EU to obtain xenophobic concessions that are part of the same political package as Brexit) does not mention Murdoch's media which were the main lever of the Brexit campaign; neither does it mention the Crown, the main symbol of Brexit. It is unusual for such high-ranking communist to overlook, in his considerations, major actors of political developments and then to proceed to elaborate at length the dogmatic theses which, as a form of idealist thinking, do not belong to Marxism. Obviously the text has an agitating character and is intended for cheering up its membership; yet it has no analytical value and neither can it be even a signpost that it obviously tries to be. Statistics is an important method in estimating social events but quantity does not always indicate quality. Dealings with statistics are often manipulative; in this case we do not know the motives of these „two of three workers“; yet, we claim, dogmatically, that these are class-conscious workers setting out on the road to revolution. What if, however, these are the workers who read Murdoch's Sun and worship the Crown? By passing over Murdoch they have shown that they consciously manipulate members and readers. Isn't it true that Hitler was voted to power by workers? Isn't it true that Milošević and his fascist program was supported, for the whole decade, and on several elections voted to power by Serbian workers? Of course, they were all media-manipulated but that is exactly what we are speaking about here. Facts are stubborn (“Les faits sont têtus”), says Lenin.
            In the same issue of La Tribune de Travailleurs we come across the article entitled, “June, 23, Vote of the Class” (“23 juin: un vote de classe”) by a big agitator (though a poorer analyst and polemist) Dominique Ferré. This author also calls upon the dogmas to assist in explaining the statistics distributed to all sides of the world with a special emphasis on Northwest and Northeast. His agitating talent is, however, even more evident in his other text published in the same issue of La Tribune de Travailleurs. The article in question is “The European Union favors workers’ immigration? What is being mocked here?” (“'Union européenne en faveur des travailleurs immigrés? De que se moque-t-on?”). Though the author claims that the xenophobic reasons are not a true political actor on the scene but that xenophobia is a mask covering up the class character of Brexit, the facts speak otherwise. This article wants to conceal and reduce the political significance of the German import of more than a million refugees. The economic importance of this event is first-rate whereas its negation and concealment can be only amateurish dilettantism which serves its own purposes (while wishes are that the dogmas are efficient even when they are not) instead of serving the facts. But, as we know and like to quote, following Lenin, facts are stubborn (Les faits sont têtus). What is in question is not just a light, non-invasive kind of import of cheap work force which is expected to build up even more the powerful German economy – which is in itself dramatic enough – but also the fact that Germany, due to refugees, will stop paying in its economic surplus to the common EU funds so that its position will be even more or almost absolutely strengthened at the expense of its competitive Anglo-Saxon capital. Of course, neither does this article mention Murdoch nor its media empire that has led the Brexit campaign; instead, as carriers of the Anglo-Saxon nationalism are mentioned marginal figures such as Nigel Farage and Boris Johnson. The simplified ideological manipulation which completely denies the reality of capital and its power is intended for uneducated readership. A typical cheerleading gesture! That is why in the texts by Dominique Ferré we often find metaphorical expressions (“The right cherishes its ugly head...”) whereas Daniel Gluckstein’s texts also start with poetic phrases (“The wind of panic blows through the leading circles of the capitalist class...”). Metaphors are usually used in political discourse to induce emotional reactions and reduce analytical demands of readers. Metaphors blur facts, conceal them. That is why they are, in political discourse, typical means of demagogy and populist approach.
             The text by the American Trotskyist Alan Benjamin entitled “Brexit Vote in Britain and Its Lesson for US Workers” with the subtitle “The Meaning of the June 23 Vote in Britain to Leave the European Union” published on August, 15, on the web site of the Socialist Organizer, in essence, sums up the texts from the French La Tribune de Travailleurs, issue 45. Though somewhat more serious and analytical in its tone than his French colleagues, the author, stylistically, remains at the same level of scholastic presentation besides using the same emphases. At one point he says that the EU is a framework imposed by imperialists for lowering wages, democratic and workers’ rights while making working conditions more difficult (and destroying union independence) as well as democracy itself, all over Europe. It has to be attacked with even more Brexits, Frexits or Grexits, all over Europe. Still, such a claim does not explain why the Swiss have similar problems though Switzerland is not a member of the EU. Should Switzerland be destroyed, too? And what about the USA? This kind of rhetoric does not explain why Slovenia, though a EU member, has managed, to a great extent, to preserve its public health care system inherited from socialism while Serbia, though not a EU member, has completely destroyed the same, from socialism inherited, system of public health care. Obviously the explanations propounded by scholastic Marxism are too simplified and schematized up to the point where they cease to be Marxism. They are much more in need of followers than people whose thinking about reality is far more penetrating. And this is a characteristic of Stalinism rather than Trotskyism.
             Alan Benjamin does not tell us what kind of Frexit he wants: is it of the kind that has just been announced today by Marine le Pen? Is it going to be another “win of the working class” smiling at us even if financed by Putin? Tragic is not to see any difference between Brexit and Grexit since it means, in essence, to deny five and more years of street fighting in Greek cities in which millions of Greeks took part with many dead young people killed in a direct clash with the regime. What kind of mockery is being put up by scholastic Marxism? By those very Trotskyists who claim to be Trotskyists longer than Trotsky himself? Instead of schematic, dogmatic babbling, it would be better for them to engage themselves in analytical issues. First and foremost, I would be interested in the answers to the questions of relevance for estimating the political events they describe:
  • Has the working class of Britain become stronger or weaker by exit from the EU?
  • Has the British capital weakened or strengthened once it broke free from Germany’s hug?
  • Is a crack in the bourgeois formation (of the EU) the reason for workers’ celebration if it is not a result of the class struggle and increased power of proletariat?
  • Is the EU to be understood as Zubatovshchina and its legal frame used for mobilization of workers? Or should it be destroyed by nationalism?
  • Can balkanization of the EU be a goal of workers’ struggle?
September 4, 2016, Radovljica
(1)-European Union is called “prison of nations” - what was the nick name of Austro-Hungary; today Spain is called like that. It is overlooked that the EU is an alliance of sovereign nations. Despite the obvious democratic deficit of the EU, the referendums to join the EU should be mentioned. In Slovenia almost 90% of citizens voted for the entry into the EU and in Croatia, more than 2/3 of the voters. The phrase "prison of nations" is clearly not effective and inaccurate; it sounds more like a parade cliché in expressing, targeting (again) emotions of readers; the phrase is not really dedicated to the factual accuracy.
(2)-It would be interesting if the method of counting workers and differentiation of workers from the bourgeoisie in elections/referendums could be presented to wider audience, to know how it works and that we can assure the credibility of these claims.

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